2012年6月30日星期六

加拿大普惠助中国生产世界最新直升机被罚

位于魁北克蒙特利尔南岸的加拿大普惠公司,是美国航空航天巨头联合科技属下企业,01年到02年间,加拿大普惠向中国出口10台美国产的军用发动机,2009年,强悍的武直十直升机由江西省景德镇的昌河飞机公司交付中国人民解放军,这家公司被誉为中国直升机摇篮。

2006年,美国开始调查加拿大普惠,直到2012年6月28日,加拿大普惠认罪,并被罚款7500万美元。

不过,加拿大普惠同时强调,将继续其在中国的业务。美国联合科技2011年在中国的销售额约100亿美元。

流亡诗人:我将一次次焚烧我的身体

诗歌励志,汉人如此,藏人也是如此。2002年逃离安多的女诗人Sungchuk Kyi,在流亡藏人的心脏达兰萨拉,写下了这样的诗句:“我将一次次焚烧我的身体”。

此诗仅诗名就打动了远在美国的藏人大作家嘉杨诺布,译成英文的诗歌正传播于世,以下片段摘自嘉杨诺布的博客:

“I Will Burn Myself Again And Again”

All my brothers and sisters,
young and old,
living in misery and sorrow
All people throughout the world who love freedom and peace
And to you tyrants of violence,
oppression and torture.
What I want is lasting peace and freedom
What I am searching for is an existence of equality and caring
Until I accomplish this
I will burn myself again and again.


嘉杨诺布的博客文字:

I must admit to a regrettable tone-deafness when it comes to poetry, especially  Tibetan poetry of the classical kind. But some days ago the web-chowkidar of rangzen.net sent over a poem about the self-immolations in Tibet, and asked me to go over the English translation. Just the title hit me, hard, with its incredible implacability: “I Will Burn Myself Again And Again“.

Quite a few of us have written on these tragic events in Tibet and have tried to explain, or at least  guess at the underlying motives of those men and women who gave up their lives in such a totally courageous and compassionate  fashion. But  I think this one poem does a better job of providing the deeper emotional and cultural meaning of the protests  than the writings of experts  evaluating things from political or socio/economic perspectives.

But I’m not going to say any more. The reader should experience the poem for him or herself,  preferably in the Tibetan language original. I just want to apologize, especially to the poet herself and the translator, Om Gangthik,  if my editing has in any way detracted from the power and directness of such lines:

All my brothers and sisters, young and old, living in misery and sorrow
All people throughout the world who love freedom and peace
And to you tyrants of violence, oppression and torture.
What I want is lasting peace and freedom
What I am searching for is an existence of equality and caring
Until I accomplish this
I will burn myself again and again.

I met the poet Sungchuk Kyi in Dharamshala in the summer of 2009. She came to see me at my house  and gave me three volumes of her poems and essays, which she kindly signed for me.

She wrote her first poem back in Amdo in 1993, and has written many hundreds since, her debut collection of poems being the first published volume of poems  by a Tibetan women.

She left Amdo in 2002 and now lives and works in Dharamshala. Her books can be obtained at Multi Education Editing Center, Bhagsu Road,, McLeod Ganj 176219, Dharamshala, HP. India.


2013年成立全球西藏独立党:西藏国民大会党

【西藏之声6月28日报导】本月27日在达兰萨拉藏人行政中央图书馆召开的“西藏独立”会议决定准备成立一个涵盖欧美和亚洲的西藏独立联盟政党。

作为嘉宾出席这一会议的西藏人民议会议员格桑坚参在接受本台釆访时表示,这次会议上,不仅有前西藏人民议会议长嘎玛群培等老一辈争取西藏独立的人士,还有年轻一代的独立抗争人士,如西藏青年会等组织的成员,这让他觉得这次会议的趋势,是团结所有争取西藏独立的非官方机搆和个人,形成联盟。

格桑坚参表示,(录音)“在这次会议上,我看到,最后有两个比较重要的决定:第一,现在有许多争取西藏独立的组织和个人分散在世界各地,但是这次会议上,大家有了一个共识,准备成立一个争取独立的联盟组织,在世界各地开展活动;第二,在昨天的会议上,大家还通过了一个决定,就是在2013西藏独立年,召开一些大型的西藏独立会议,包括一些西藏独立的宣传活动。”

格桑坚参还认为,所有争取西藏独立人士形成这样一个大联盟,主要是因为境内藏人在中共的统治下遭受的苦难正在加剧,而且境内外藏人对藏中和谈的希望也已经破灭,对中共政府的失望也在加大。

在提到当天会议制定的决议桉时,格桑坚参表示,(录音)“昨天会议制定的决议里面,大家基本上定了,明年2013年,正式成立涵盖整个欧美和亚洲国家的“西藏国民大会党”,这一党的宗旨主要是把这些争取西藏独立的组织和个人都要联盟起来,形成一个政党。”

嘉杨诺布:记住让赞

主张独立的嘉杨诺布(Jamyang Norbu)是达赖喇嘛中间道路的重要批评者,他的文章《记住让赞》(Remembering Rangzen)讲述了1988年10月他在日本听闻达赖喇嘛放弃独立时的情景。


Late one night in October 1988 I was woken by a telephone call from the United States. I was living in Japan then, teaching English and writing the occasional book review for the Japan Times. My twenty year work stint in exile Tibetan society had ended a few years earlier when I had been dismissed (with the aid of a violent McLeod Ganj mob) from my post as director of the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts (TIPA) for the alleged irreverence of a couple of my plays.

An urgent voice in Tibetan asked “Jamyang Norbu, Jamyang Norbu, can you hear me. I am Thupten Jigme Norbu.” For a while I couldn’t place the name and then realized it was Taktser Rimpoche, the Dalai Lama’s oldest brother.

“Yes Rimpoche I can hear you, how are you?”
“Jamyang Norbu, Jamyang Norbu, do you know what has happened.”
“What is it Rimpoche?”
“They have given up our rangzen.”
“Rimpoche, what are you saying?
“Gyalwa Rimpoche made a statement at this place, Strasbourg…”

And he told me what had happened.


I am not on terms of any real intimacy with members of the Dalai Lama’s family, and it took me a little while to figure out why Taktser Rimpoche had contacted me. It probably had to do with my writings in the Tibetan Review, where I had been regularly analyzing and condemning the Tibetan government’s policy of downgrading Tibetan independence to conciliate Communist China. My last contribution had been a two-part article (“On the Brink”, Oct-Nov1986) warning of the increasing Chinese population transfer into Tibet. I stressed that the only way to deal with this crisis was not to appease Beijing but to actively discourage business, tourism and investment in Tibet. Destabilize the region. In those early years of Deng’s liberalization there was an opportunity to do something like that. Officialdom, of course, ignored my report. A couple of inji readers accused me of sabotaging the wonderful new relationship between the Chinese and the Tibetans.

“And what are you going to do?” Rimpoche asked me at the end of the conversation.

What could I say? I told him I didn’t know; that I wasn’t in any position to do anything.

I think I disappointed him with my answer, but that conversation started a friendship, nonetheless. There was, on both sides, a bit of emotional dependence in this relationship. Those who espoused the cause of independence became increasingly marginalized in exile society and accusations of “opposing” the Dalai Lama were readily hurled at those who expressed any doubt at the Middle Way approach. So even if you happened to live at the opposite ends of the earth, you took strength in the friendship, no matter how long distance, of those few Tibetan who would not give up rangzen.

Rimpoche wasn’t a spring chicken then, in fact he was 73 when with the help of Lawrence Gerstein he founded the International Tibet Independence Movement and led a number of independence walks that took him all over the United States and Canada. I was back in Dharamshala during those years, editing the Tibetan newspaper Mangtso. It was always an uplifting experience to see a photograph of Rimpoche on one of his marches, striding vigorously, his white baseball cap tilted back on his head, telling America that Tibet was an independent country and that Americans had to support the cause.

He always seemed to make his statements with a big smile. Rimpoche wasn’t one of your grim, teeth-gritting nationalists. His conviction regarding rangzen did not come from any hatred of the Chinese people or some ultra-patriotic doctrine or philosophy, but merely that he had no illusions about China’s real intentions regarding Tibet. Rimpoche was convinced that Tibet needed independence not for some exalted ideological reason but as a fundamental condition, an essential requisite for the survival of the people, their language, their culture and even their religion. Rimpoche was certain there was no other way.

I feel Rimpoche had this clarity in his thinking because the Communist leaders he first encountered in Amdo, when he was abbot of Kumbum monastery, were the real deal: crude, self-righteous, devious and murderous men — de-humanized progenies of the unbelievably savage Chinese Civil War. Rimpoche describes them very accurately in his autobiography Tibet is My Country. Left wing propaganda a la Edgar Snow has left us the impression of Chinese Communist cadres and officers as idealistic agrarian reformers with a soupçon of the Taoist sage about them, but anyone who has some idea of the history of the Chinese Communist party will be aware how many in the Red Army were ex-warlord officers, mercenaries, former bandits, ex-junkies and the like. Rimpoche also witnessed how the Communists dealt with opposition when they wiped out the Muslim Huis of Lusar, close to Kumbum. Rimpoche was also in Amdo when the Red Army slaughtered the Amdowas of Nangra and Hormukha and started their genocidal campaign against the Goloks.

In Amdo the Communists do not appear to have tried to win over people with guile and sweet-talk. Most probably they felt that Qinghai was theirs anyway, and they didn’t have to bother. The outcome of their invasion of Tibet, on the other hand, was far from certain, and the Communists were careful that their representatives in Lhasa and Chamdo were outwardly pleasant, smooth-tongued people.

The first Communist officials that His Holiness the Dalai Lama met and interacted with in Tibet were attractive and charming equivocators like Baba Phuntsog Wangyal and Liu Ke Ping the ideologue, both of whom taught the Dalai Lama Marxism-Leninism, the history of the Communist Party and the Soviet Union’s nationality polices. Phuntsok Wangyal mentions in his autobiography that “The Dalai Lama was very eager to learn about all aspects of communism, and I think we had an effect on his thinking. Even now, he sometimes says that he is half Buddhist and half Marxist.” We should bear in mind that His Holiness was very young, in his formative years and impressionable. His long held belief, that he could arrive at some understanding with the Chinese leadership on the question of Tibet, has probably been shaped to a degree by this early experience.

But Taktser Rimpoche’s was a grown man, thirteen years older than His Holiness, and his experience with the Communists convinced him that China’s intentions regarding Tibet were malevolent. Rimpoche was not without some guile himself, and he managed to give the impression to his captors that he was receptive to their overtures. They decided to send him to Lhasa to win over the Dalai Lama. Rimpoche describes the unbelievably crude way the Communist leaders approached him promising to appoint him “governor-general” (chikyap) of Tibet if he convinced the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government not to resist the Chinese advance into Tibet. They even went so far as to hint that if the young Dalai Lama got in the way he could be taken care off, and that Rimpoche might think about it doing it himself “…in the interest of the cause”.

Rimpoche reached Lhasa on the eve of the invasion and told his brother everything. His advice probably contributed to the young Dalai Lama and the Tibetan cabinet’s decision to leave Lhasa after Chamdo had fallen. When the Tibetan government and the Dalai Lama chose to remain temporarily in Dhromo in the Chumbi valley, Rimpoche decided to continue on to India. Once in India his old friend Tilopa Rimpoche (the Dilowa Hutukhtu) contacted him. He told Taktser that arrangements had been made through the Committee for Free Asia (a CIA front) for him to travel to the United States. This eminent Mongol Lama, who had survived Stalin’s purges, had been invited to the United States in 1949 as a resident scholar at Johns Hopkins University. The American who made this possible was the distinguished orientalist, Owen Lattimore, who was then a key consultant of the United States State Department’s Far Eastern affairs. It is ironic that someone who aided this Mongol lama and (indirectly) Taktser Rimpoche to escape Communist persecution should later became a principal target of Senator McCarthy’s infamous anti-Communist witch-hunts and face false charges of being a “top Soviet agent”.

Rimpoche didn’t have an easy time of it in the States, what with bad health, lack of English and insufficient funds. But he gradually learned English (at Berkeley) and even mastered Japanese when staying in a Japanese monastery for some years when the Government of India did not renew his expired IC and the American government was not helpful about giving him asylum. The CIA had lost their initial interest in him after the Tibetan delegate in Beijing signed the 17 Point Agreement and the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa. Finally, after about three years his friends in the World Church Services secured permission for Rimpoche to return to the United States. He earned a modest income giving Tibetan classes to a handful of students as a part of a non-credited course at Columbia University, while his servant Dhondup Gyaltsen worked in a factory. I got the impression from his autobiography that Rimpoche spent his evenings in his small New York apartment making soup (most probably thinthuk soup) “…according to a typical Tibetan recipe”

This was at a time when Tibet was having its honeymoon period with the Communists and many merchants, lamas, monasteries, aristocrats and yabshi were reveling in the dayuan silver the Chinese were spreading around Tibet. Many of Rimpoche’s old acquaintances tried to convince him to return to Tibet including some of his own relatives, as he frankly mentions in his biography. But Rimpoche was convinced that the easy money and strident affability offered by the Communists was a passing phase and that there would be a reckoning soon. His younger brother Gyalo Thondup who had studied at a Guomindang school in Nanjing was also distrustful of the Communists and escaped to India from China.

When the Dalai Lama came to India in 1956 for the Buddha Jayanti celebrations, Rimpoche immediately flew to India where with Gyalo Thondup he tried to persuade his brother to seek asylum in India. Other Tibetan leaders in exile as the former Prime Minister, Lukhangwa, pleaded with the Dalai Lama not to return to Tibet. But in the end the Dalai Lama consulted the state oracle. The Dalai Lama mentions in his Compassion in Exile that Lukhangwa refused to leave the room even when the oracle became angry with him. The old aristocrat warned the Dalai Lama “When men become desperate they consult the gods. And when gods become desperate, they tell lies.” But the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa.

A disappointed Taktser Rimpoche flew back to New York. By this time, fighting had broken out all over Eastern Tibet and Rimpoche was in regular communication with the State Department. He had also re-established his contacts with the CIA. In an interview he gave me he said that he later passed on all these contacts to his brother. He did not explicitly say so but I assumed he must have realized that Gyalo Thondup had the more conspiratorial bent and the diplomatic skills necessary to use these connections effectively to benefit the Tibetan cause.

Rimpoche assisted in the training of the first group of Tibetan agents (Athar, Lotse, Gyato Wangdu and others) in Saipan, acting as an interpreter. Rimpoche along with the Kalmuk Geshe Wangyal were also on the CIA team that devised a telecode system to describe items that were not in the Tibetan vocabulary and created a system of writing precise intelligible messages concerning modern warfare and intelligence, within an archaic traditional language. Rimpoche and Geshe Wangyal were also involved in the writing of training manuals for guerilla warfare, sabotage and so on.

Rimpoche’s language skills: Tibetan, Mongol, Japanese, Chinese, English and his native Sining patois, underscored his essentially scholarly nature, and he probably found the whole warfare and espionage world alien to his nature. He went back to his teaching, but he also started to organize relief effort for Tibetan refugees with his contacts in the World Church Services and other organizations.

Rimpoche initiated Tibetan studies programs at the American Museum of Natural History and also developed a similar program at Indiana University, where he received a professorship. He began teaching there in 1965 and as an old student of his told me “he had no trouble drawing students to his classes”.

What I have always found intriguing about this high lama, abbot of one of the most important Gelukpa monasteries, and a brother of the Dalai Lama, is that he was not interested in giving dharma lessons or starting a dharma centre, but instead wanted to let the world know about the culture, the history, the land and most of all the people of Tibet. This trait comes out clearly in his book Tibet, Its History, Religion and People, which he co-authored with Colin Turnbull. It is a wonderfully encyclopedic account of Tibetan history (especially folk history and cosmology) and Tibetan life, studded with all manner of legends, fables and (unusually for a history book) personal and intimate memories of Rimpoche’s own childhood, life and travels. The well-known cultural-anthropologist, Margaret Mead, called it “a uniquely sensitive and beautiful book”.

It could be pointed out that the book somewhat idealizes Tibetan life. But then again it never carries it to a point of dishonesty or absurdity, and is clearly an expression, a metaphor, for Rimpoche’s deep and genuine feelings for his people and country. I found the book so enchanting, so irresistible that I bought a dozen or so copies of the paperback edition in Delhi, and used it at TIPA (in the early seventies) as an English textbook for senior students, and as a primer for teaching them their history and culture. The book also had a wonderful set of drawings by the folk artist Lobsang Tenzin, of a variety of Tibetan costumes, household utensils agricultural implements, weapons, nomad encampment, and interiors of tents with everything numbered and identified. It was a cultural resource in itself. Even the paperback edition is now out of print but I think second-hand copies of the Pelican edition can be bought on Alibris or EBay.

Just the other day a friend of mine told me that the poet Woeser had written about Taktser Rimpoche and mentioned that she had come across Rimpoche’s history book in an official neibu translation. My friend translated this excerpt from Woeser’s blog:

“The first time I read the book was probably 1990. At that time I was newly returned to Lhasa: a sinicized youth, who knew almost nothing about her own people’s history and culture. In my circle and in the reading circles of quite a few Tibetans in Tibet that was the first Chinese translation of a book in which we could read about Tibetans and about the real Tibet. From that time on I regarded the book as a treasure; wherever I went I kept it by my side.”

Of course, Rimpoche was a spiritual person, perhaps even deeply so. He had been raised a monk and a trulku and his book is definitely not a secular history. But unlike many other Tibetan lamas and geshes, Taktser Rimpoche clearly saw that although religion was an important feature of Tibetan life, it was only one of the many features that defined the life, and indeed the identity of a Tibetan person. Rimpoche told me that although he firmly believed that his brother was the true incarnation of the Dalai Lama, he did not consider himself to be a special person spiritually. In his history book he candidly mentions that as a child he did not recognize any of the objects placed before him when he was tested. More than anything Rimpoche was an honest man. He absolutely detested those who went around claiming spiritual authority and accomplishments that they did not possess, and exploited the dharma for material gain. He himself refused to give religious teachings. In fact Rimpoche delegated another professor in his department to teach the required course on Tibetan religion for the Tibetan studies program.

It was always easy to talk to Rimpoche. You didn’t have to stand on ceremony with him. You never felt awkward around him, unsure whether to bow or prostate or receive a chawang. You just shook his hand, made a joke, or told him the latest gossip from Dharamshala. He also never patronized you like the great and powerful in Tibetan world generally like to do. I got to meet him and speak to him more often after I moved to the States during the late 90′s. And of course one of the main topics of conversation was rangzen and what we could do to promote the ideal, even in a small way.

1st R A PLANNING MEET: Lhakpa Tsering, Thupten Norbu, Jamyang Norbu, Elliot Sperling, Lhadon Tethong, Thupten Tsering, Lisa Keary.
Taktser Rimpoche, Sonam Wangdula, Thupten Tsering la, Lhadon la, myself and some others, who shared that concern and conviction, founded the Rangzen Alliance. Rimpoche hosted the first Rangzen Alliance Planning Meeting at his Tibetan Cultural Center in Bloomington Indiana, on November 23-24, 2001. Two of us (accompanied by Peter Brown) also set out on a Rangzen Road Trip driving across 28 states, five provinces (in Canada) and the District of Columbia for about a month to contact as many Tibetan communities, individuals and friends to reenergize the struggle for Tibetan independence that was weakening with each passing year. Rimpoche gave us an enthusiastic letter of support that we sent around to the various communities to introduce ourselves and our mission.

Rimpoche had his faults, of course, and his share of detractors. One of the usual criticisms against him was that he had stayed away from the Tibetan world and had not worked in Dharamshala for the exile government. There was some truth in that charge, although Rimpoche served (very briefly) as the Director of the Tibetan Library and as the Dalai Lama’s Representative in Japan. But these were short stints. I know that some of his yabshi relatives also held that against him, as in fact I did for some years.

But if I were to argue on his behalf now I might say that the very distance he maintained from the exile administration and exile world, allowed him the intellectual freedom to hold on to the ideal of independence. If he had served in Dharmshala, where absolute conformity is the minimal requirement for holding any kind of high office, we might have another failed negotiator in the long list starting with Gyalo Thondup and Lodi Gyari and ending with God knows who. But the rangzen struggle would have lost a mentor and a comrade-in-arms.

As is it is, even out in the wilderness, the yul-thakop of the American Midwest, Taktser Rimpoche was able to keep alive “the embers of rangzen” and pass on to us his conviction that Tibetan independence was absolutely not negotiable, and was (as mentioned earlier) a fundamental condition, an essential requisite for the survival of the Tibetan people, their language, their culture and even their religion. There was no other way.

In late 2002 Rimpoche suffered a series of strokes and became an invalid. The last time I saw him a year ago he did not appear to recognize me. Yet somehow he was still with us, when in March this year the rangzen revolution happened in Tibet, and Tibetans everywhere around the world challenged Communist China occupation of Tibet. People close to Rimpoche told me that he did seem to appreciate the significance of the events. And at least his presence was there at the Freedom Torch reception ceremony in June 2008.

Rimpoche was present at the conclusion of another event, the Freedom March in Philadelphia last Fourth of July. I heard this recording made by a Radio Free Asia correspondent, Karma Gyatso, where someone was trying to get Rimpoche to say a word or two for the occasion. Of course Rimpoche’s speech had been near completely impaired by the stroke, but he made a great effort to say something. It was just two syllables, very indistinct, murmured again and again. It was not at all clear, but if you listened hard, it seemed like he was repeating these two syllables “hrrm-hrn … hrrm- hrn … rang-zen.”

让赞联盟和藏人独立会议

纽约的独立会议让“让赞联盟”(Rangzen Alliance)走向了前台(Rangzen即独立之意)。63岁的旅美藏人作家嘉杨诺布(Jamyang Norbu)是藏人独立运动的中坚力量,他出生在大吉岭,曾参加美国中央情报局支持的木斯塘游击队,现居田纳西,是一位用英藏双语写作的作家,主张全藏区彻底独立,是让赞联盟的创立者之一。2000年,他的小说 Sherlock Holmes - The Missing Years 翻译成十种文字,并获得印度文学最高奖Vodafone Crossword Book Award。



【西藏之声6月27日报导】流亡藏人在印度北部达兰萨拉自发举办“西藏独立”会议,希望团结力量,壮大西藏独立抗争。

今年3月12日,数百名流亡藏人在美国纽约举行了一场“西藏独立”会议,并决定成立“西藏国民大会党”(Tibetan National Congress),为西藏独立抗争继续奋斗。而27日,达兰萨拉地方西藏青年会会长丹增尊珠和色拉寺高僧祥萨仁波切等人,又自发在藏人行政中央图书馆大厅中举办了“西藏独立”会议。

西藏人民议会十名议员、旅居美国的藏人作家嘉杨诺布、前藏人行政中央首席部长索南多杰,西藏独立活动人士拉桑次仁,以及各非官方组织代表等40多人出席了会议。

此次会议的发起人之一,西藏青年会达兰萨拉分会会长丹增尊珠在接受本台釆访时介绍说,(录音)今年三月份,由“让赞联盟”(Rangzen Alliance)在美国纽约市召开的“西藏独立”会议决定,西藏的独立抗争必须继续下去,而且在今后举办活动的形式方面,需要进行深入讨论,所以这次我们几个人自发在达兰萨拉召开“西藏独立”会议,是为了将各地的西藏独立抗争力量,凝聚在一起,并互相听取意见,壮大西藏独立运动的规模。

作为嘉宾出席这次会议的藏人作家嘉杨诺布在接受本台釆访时表示,(录音)境内衕胞们遭受着残酷的折磨,他们不惜献出自己的生命来表达出的诉求,我们都很清楚。为了达到这一目的,我们成立了“西藏国民大会党”,将仔细讨论,并制定出直接对抗中共的计划。衕时我们也认为,藏人行政中央是为了取得西藏独立而创建的,这应该继续下去。

据介绍,“西藏独立”会议在经过一天的讨论后,将于今天傍晚制定出有关决议桉。

第一次西藏独立会议

1959年,藏人流亡印度,53年间,独立诉求从未间断。1970年,主张独立的组织西藏青年会(TYC)成立,达赖喇嘛的弟弟丹增曲杰(Tenzin Geyche Tethong)任首任主席,另一位创办者是近日辞职的对北京谈判代表嘉日洛迪(Lodi G. Gyari),西藏青年会成立时,达赖喇嘛致辞。但那只是一个组织的成立大会,在历史上没有被记载为首次藏人的独立大会。

此后不久,流亡藏人进入中间道路年代,随着1989年达赖喇嘛获得诺贝尔和平奖,激进的独立诉求就逐渐被边沿化。

2011年,达赖喇嘛从政治上退休,洛桑森格当政。2010年,与北京的谈判停止,境内越来越多藏人自焚。这就是首次西藏独立会议的举办背景。

『国际西藏邮报2012年6月27日达兰萨拉报导』第一次西藏独立会议在藏人行政中央外交与新闻部的拉巴次仁纪念馆(Lhapa Tsering memorial hall)举行;由自由西藏学联(SFT)及藏青会分会长丹真宗智共同主办,这场会议在6月27日举行,并将在闭会时召开新闻记者会。

这次会议的主要发言者包括,前西藏政府噶伦赤巴索南多杰(Sonam Topgyal),知名作家嘉扬诺布(Jamyang Norbu)和自由斗士拉桑次仁(Lhasam Tsering),他们致力于促成西藏独立运动;约40人出席这场会议,他们的选择有别于中间道路。

今天会议将展开讨论的议题如下:1) 如何提升独立运动?
2) 在2013年十三世达赖喇嘛尊者宣告西藏百週年纪念,应进行何种形式的抗议及纪念活动?
3) 如何因应中共政府在西藏境内许多地方切断通信的挑战?
4) 如何团结所有有为的组织和个人,共同合作争取西藏独立?

佛教徒的快乐

我为什么会呆在弗蒙特北部的一个帐篷里?更不用说是在佛教冥想中心的树林里,还在借着智能手机的光亮看萨姜·米庞仁波切(Sakyong Mipham) 的《把思维变成盟友》(“Turning the Mind Into an Ally”)?

如果你真想要听为什么,借用霍尔登·考尔菲尔德(Holden Caulfield) 的一句话来说我是在度假。或许我更该说,我是在归隐,撤出曼哈顿疯狂的生活,希望能找到2千5百年前悉达多·乔达摩(Siddhartha Gautama)(释迦穆尼,译者注)在印度北部菩提树下大彻大悟之后,作为佛教传统基础的平和。

佛祖洞悉的真谛在于:人生充满着痛苦。痛苦根源于对自我的依恋,这种依恋又跟世界上的万事万物联系在一起。只有把自己从无穷的欲望统治下解放出来,才能获得真正的自由。

我并非要放弃这个世界或世界上的事物。“我还在期望一些令人兴奋的事,”埃德蒙·威尔逊(Edmund Wilson)六十过半时在自己日记中坦言:“饮酒、生动的交谈、无拘无束的思想交流带来的愉悦。”我也如此。但是我也需要暂缓这些。

我不想最后像那对佛教信徒夫妻一样归隐到亚利桑那,之后在偏远的山洞里一个死亡,另一个严重脱水,几乎丧命。但跟我一样选择精神补给的大有人在。到弗蒙特归隐的活动已经人满为患,人们只能睡在大殿的蒲团上。(我比较幸运地得到了一个帐篷。)世界宗教和宗教关系教授保罗·D.努姆里奇(Paul D. Numrich)推测目前美国的佛教信徒可能和穆斯林一样多。

努姆里奇的说法令人吃惊,但是不管怎样,一些数据显示:佛教是美国第四大宗教。转信佛教的人比转信摩门教的多。(想一下吧,米特。)



很多转信佛教的人都是托马斯A.特威德(Thomas A. Tweed)在《美国遭遇佛教》(in “The American Encounter With Buddhism”)中称作“床头佛教徒”,指的是大多数天主教、犹太教(是的,我知道,“犹太佛教徒”)还有其他宗教转信佛教的人都在床头有一堆佩玛· 肖德龙(Pema Chödrön )的书。

那么这些新佛教徒都是哪些人?(我敢这样称他们吗?)被佛教强调平息“心猿”理念吸引的疲惫不堪的黑莓手机上瘾者?被连杰布·布什(Jeb Bush) 都认为“衰退”国家财政和民族认同危机困扰的侍僧(不理解原文意思)?纽约客漫画里跳出来举着海报宣传的末日论者?萧条时期大家都容易受到集体灾难思想的 影响,宗教运动就是在这种条件下繁盛起来的。

又或者佛教证明了我们当前身心饱受困扰。安德鲁·韦尔(Andrew Weil)博士的新书《自然的快乐》(“Spontaneous Happiness”)在佛教行为和“不断发展的心理健康综合模式”之间建立联系。这种关联经过充分证明:科学家在威斯康星大学的情感神经科学实验室里发 现佛教徒冥想的方式可以改变我们大脑的结构。目前无数的临床研究认为,人类大脑可以改变我们的生理机能。加州大学洛杉矶分校正念认知研究中心 (Mindful Awareness Research Center)正在收集一项 “基于正念的认知疗法” 领域的数据。这种疗法显示治疗方法和中心主任丹尼尔·西格尔博士(Dr. Daniel Siegel) 称为“第七感”(mindsight)之间是正相关关系。他写到通过形成一种专注于内心世界的能力“我们可以重塑我们的神经通路,刺激对心灵健康来说关键 的区域生长。”

我在自己归隐的四天中感觉到了这点。我们每天都在由谷仓改建的冥想室打坐几个小时,蜜蜂在装着窗纱的窗子外嗡嗡作响。 一开始很难集中注意力,每个尝试过冥想的人都知道:这需要忍耐那些不断浮现在自我审视的意识里空洞(经常是无聊的)的各种想法。(佛教徒用“正念”来形容 这个过程;有时候觉得更像无念。)但是过一会儿,当铜碗被敲响,我们都陷入寂静时我发现自己被包了起来,即使只有一小会儿,沉浸在没有杂念的平和之中。在 这一小会儿的时间里,我觉得从纽约开车过来的七个小时似乎也值得。

授课期间,经常会讲到“感觉”,“爱的仁慈”和“我们作为人善的本性”,期间还伴随着善意的怀疑。(一次很长的“打坐”之后老师说“现在可以继续在 现实事物中挣扎了。”)但是这也不全是只关注内心世界。我们也讨论一些现实话题。“影响这个世界的是我们不健康的内心。影响到文化、环境和社会,”一位老 师提醒我们:“暴力、恐惧、偏见、生态灾难、人类所有的痛苦。”他说在西藏,僧侣并没有完全与他们周围的生活隔开,而是作为集体的中心。对中国压迫的反抗 也主要来自僧侣,他们游行,甚至在抗议中牺牲自己。

西方有佛教传统(但佛教对我来说是新观念)。佛教在美国的早期支持者艾伦·金斯伯格(Allen Ginsberg) 和杰克·凯鲁亚克(Jack Kerouac)也关注其他人。凯鲁亚克崇拜佛祖的《达摩流浪者》(Dharma Bums)是性解放的先驱(他们密宗“yabyum”仪式听起来很有趣);金斯伯格和安妮·瓦尔德曼(Anne Waldman)一起创立了科罗拉多州纳洛巴大学的杰克·凯鲁亚克虚体诗歌学院,这是美国第一所经认证的佛教学院,在1968年全国民主集会上因采取静坐 方式被动抗议而遭到警察镇压。

读大卫·L.麦克马汉(David L. McMahan)编辑的散文集《现代世界的佛教》时,我吃惊于作者们那种实用主义的口吻、被麦克马汉称之为“全球化、性别问题、和佛教与现代化、科学、通俗文化、国家政治之间的冲突”的成见。他们的目的是要使佛教变得活跃起来。

最后一天当我从停车场开车出来时或多或少做好准备去回归到所谓的文明世界中。我怀疑自己是否能够坚持注自己所学到的,甚至怀疑我是否知道学了什么,再或者我什么都没有学到。或许这仅仅是学习接受、学习适度自我转型的可能性。

一个老师曾说:“不要先给自己做好安排,然后再去实施:这两者是不可分的。”在这个世界要实践或者“传递”改变,我们需要从自我开始,“学会如何拥有一个灵活、成功、有条理、有效率的生活。”这对于只有4天的归隐来说要求有点多,但它至少是个开始。
我的电话响了。一会儿再查看吧。

杰姆士·阿特拉斯是《我的中年生活:幸存者的故事》作者。
译者:张亮亮

2012年6月29日星期五

史上最倒霉的劫机事件

 世维会发言人迪里夏提国语了得,也十分幽默,他认为此次事件是维汉两族为座位发生争执



维吾尔人不愧是产生了喜剧大师阿凡提的民族,29日传出在新疆的一起劫机未遂事件,也充满了喜剧因素,活像是一部在长途飞行中播放的笑笑小电影。

天津航空公司的GS7554 航班29日中午12点25分从新疆和田机场起飞前往乌鲁木齐,机上载有92名乘客及9名机组人员。

升空十几分钟之后,有3名维吾尔男子脱去上衣,露出纹身,高呼劫机,得到坐在附近的其他3名维吾尔人响应,但其中一人无法解开安全带,无法离席,被困在座位上。

五名维吾尔人手持金属拐杖改装的锋利凶器,冲向驾驶舱。按常理,六人劫持一架载客不到百人的小飞机,真可以手到擒来,确实属小菜一碟。

但他们在遭遇两名机组保安的抵抗后,数目不详的乘客也奋起反抗,最终五人被制伏。

现在爆出消息说,机上92名乘客,除6名劫匪外,其余86人中,至少有20人是休假归队途中的便衣特警。特警与劫匪的比例为4比1。另有一说,休假特警的数量达40人,比例达8比1.

4比1或8比1的力量对比,加上一位被安全带绑在座位上的劫匪,这次的劫机事件堪称史上最倒霉的劫机了。难怪大陆有帖子戏称,以后应该给休班特警免费搭乘飞机的特权,这样大陆的航班就万无一失了。

这一事件对机场安检的贡献是:因劫匪使用了木制拐杖,日后机场安检时拐杖将成为检查重点。这将不仅局限在中国,在西方国家也一样,因为对劫机的恐惧,是不以意识形态为转移的。

不过,世界维吾尔人大会发言人迪里夏提今天否认这一劫机事件,称事件是由维汉乘客为座位纠纷引起,当时机上乘客九成是汉人,故维吾尔人最后被欺负。

他要求国际社会调查这一事件。

德吉曲央重申达兰萨拉不追求独立的背景

前往台湾为达赖喇嘛77岁生日庆典做宣传的达兰萨拉新闻及外交部长德吉曲央(德吉确央),今天在台北中华民国立法院演讲时重申:达兰萨拉认为在中国内寻求高度自治较为可行,他们并非像北京对外宣传的那样寻求独立。对于藏人自焚,德吉曲央表示,他们不断地呼吁藏人不要牺牲生命自焚,但成效不佳。

这是洛桑森格内阁成立一年多以来,第一次清晰地表达不追求独立的立场。

这种表态,既是给7月6日过生日的达赖喇嘛一份最佳生日礼物,毕竟中间道路凝聚了他老人家的智慧,更是为了撇清流亡政府与正在达兰萨拉召开的独立会议的关系,同时也是给洛桑森格内阁道义上的支撑,在国际上挤迫北京:中国境内藏人自焚人数达四十多人,使不少人质疑洛桑森格暗中是否支持这一极端行为,近日,洛桑森格本人在澳大利亚也为自己辩护,说屡次劝告藏人不要自焚,但没能奏效。德吉曲央在台北的讲话,也是为洛桑森格开脱。

但达兰萨拉强调不追求独立,并非是要与北京妥协。就在达赖喇嘛生日那天,达兰萨拉少壮派领袖们策划的为期158天的全球火炬传递活动就要拉开,火焰将从亚洲席卷到美国,达兰萨拉年轻的领导人希望,这次火炬行动,将赢得国际社会政治领袖及民众的同情与支持,把令西方社会长期沉默的自焚之火升华为正义之火,把北京逼向国际道义的死角。

松赞干布出生地将成为中国第一铜都

The mine located in the birthplace of Tibetan King Songtsen Gampo about 68 kms from provincial capital Lhasa may become the country's biggest copper town in 10 years, Jiang Liangyou an official of Tibet Huatailong Mining Development said.---indian express

新华网拉萨6月29日电/中国的矿业开发人员已在西藏初步探明一座储量有望进入全球排名前50的多金属矿 山,“十二五”期末,其日处理规模将从目前的6000吨拓展到4万吨,预计年产值达45亿元,而矿山所在地墨竹工卡很有可能在未来10年跃升为中国“第一铜都”,中国黄金集团华泰龙公司董事长兼党委书记姜良友在接受记者采访时透露。

姜良友说,这一前景展望主要基于华泰龙公司对甲玛铜多金属矿项目区内9平方公里矿山截至2010年的勘探数据。

目前,最终结果正等待国际独立机构的认证。

甲玛矿区位于距拉萨市68公里处的墨竹工卡县甲玛乡境内,海拔4000至5407米,矿权面积为144平方公里。一期工程于2010年7月正式投产运行,主要进行铜、铅、锌、金、银、钼六种金属的开采和选矿分离、总投资35亿元,当年实现产值1.5亿元。

目前,扩建工程的可研性规划初稿已经完成,扩展项目将对西藏的发展产生具有震撼性的影响,一旦扩建项目顺利实施,这家由中央企业在西藏实施的矿产开发项目将为西藏创造六分之一的财税收入。

姜良友说,扩建项目预计于“十二五”期末投产。按照目前可研性规划,扩建项目以日产4万吨规模运营,服务年限可达70年。

记者了解到,作为中央企业在西藏运营最大矿业生产项目,华泰龙甲玛铜多金属矿项目自2010年投产伊始就被自治区党委和政府赋予“实验性”的使命。

当年1月,中共中央、国务院召开第五次西藏工作座谈会将西藏定位为重要“战略资源储备基地”,要求地方党政领导“以经济建设为中心,以民族团结为保障, 以改善民生为出发点和落脚点,确保经济社会跨越式发展与国家安全和西藏长治久安”,适时合理开发优势矿产资源被视为一个突破口。



在此之前,西藏已初步划分出9个重点矿业经济发展区,主要包括以玉龙铜矿为龙头的藏东地区矿业经济发展区;藏中地区以甲玛、驱龙为主的铜、铅、锌等多金属矿业 经济发展区;藏西北地区的盐湖矿产矿业经济发展区等。但均没有形成规模,对西藏国内生产总值的总体贡献率只有3%左右。

甲玛备受海内外关注,它是松赞干布故里,在吐蕃王朝时期,是王室大臣会盟、筹划征战、兼并活动的中心。

中国黄金集团公司总经理、党委书记孙兆学指出,中国黄金进驻甲玛就是要承担起央企的社会责任,在高寒、缺氧、生态脆弱的艰苦环境下,在民族地区探索一条与百姓和谐、与自然和谐的矿业开发之路,绿色、环保、科学发展之路,为西藏的经济和社会发展带来长久的利益。

在快速收购当地民营矿企过程中,华泰龙投入数千万元用于处理和补偿原有矿主与当地群众的遗留欠账问题。截至目前,华泰龙已先后投入1.2亿元用于生态绿 化,修建安全饮水工程、济困助学等公益事业,包括捐资165万元修建甲玛乡安全饮水工程,投入330万元修建甲玛乡农田灌溉工程。

华泰龙公司总经理滕永清说:“要落实中共中央、国务院的指示,把西藏建设成战略资源储备基地,当地的矿产资源不能总是沉睡地下。”

两年多来,华泰龙的实践已受到国土资源部的认可,被冠为“甲玛模式”,在藏区矿业开发中起到示范作用。

为确保与当地藏族群众的及时有效沟通,华泰龙坚持在企业内部定期开展西藏民俗民风教育活动,鼓励员工学习藏语,尊重当地风俗并设立八项禁令,包括不准对藏族群众用不敬称谓,不准捕杀野生动物,不准随意乱扔垃圾,不准妄自尊大,盛气凌人,不准随意许诺,推诿逃避等。

在生态保护方面,华泰龙先后斥资1.8亿元用于尾矿环保、水循环处理、矿区绿化、土地复垦、水土保持,占项目总投资比重11.7%,远超3%的国家标准。

为降低用水成本,减少废水对地下水和周边草场的影响,保证周边655户农牧民及其牲畜的用水安全,华泰龙采取先进技术使浮选废水得以在选矿工艺流程中循环重复使用,全方位实现污水“零排放”。

华泰龙还推进“用工本地化”,一次招录矿区周边藏族青年工人74人,选送当地9名藏族学生到东北大学深造。目前有少数民族员工294人,包括藏族员工253人,占企业员工总数35%。其中,进入公司一般和中高管理层的藏族员工有12人。

推动企业与当地藏族民众和谐共赢的另一个长效机制是由华泰龙出资1900万元收购甲玛乡居民为私营矿企提供运输服务的个人汽车,组建甲玛工贸公司,持股 51%,为全乡655户百姓垫资,使百姓持股达49%。这一平台专门为华泰龙公司进行工程运输、绿化环保和劳务等多方面服务。当地藏族群众在公司组建不久 还未有利润时即获得预分红33万元,2010年与2011年又分别获得分红100万元和118万元。除此之外,凡在甲玛工贸公司就职的群众还可按月领取工 资。其中,车队司机月薪5000多元。相比之下,2011年西藏农牧民人均纯收入仅为4700元,是同期全国农民人均纯收入的67%。

毕业于东北大学地质测量采矿专业,在华泰龙已任职两年的次仁德吉说:“一听说我在华泰龙工作,人们都会表现得很仰慕。我想这不仅因为华泰龙使甲玛成为墨竹工卡最富裕的地方,更因为它对当地环境、风俗和社区发展的高度重视。家乡的人都觉得这个企业很尽力了”。


当今西藏在多大程度上是主权独立国家

英国学者迪比什(Dibyesh Anand)今天发现,在不列颠航空(British Airways)的网站里的签证栏目里,有西藏(Tibet)国民(citizenship)的存在。真有趣!

他在想,北京知道后,会把大不列颠航空赶出中国吗?或者说,大不列颠航空何时会认识到这一点,再把西藏国民从签证国的列表里清除?


2012年6月28日星期四

福州人陈旺和加拿大《金牛城法案》


当蒙特利尔华人社区还处于中世纪的黑暗之中时,多伦多的华人已沐浴着现代文明的曙光:




09年5月23日,一名非裔男子在多伦多唐人街金牛城超市偷走价值60加元的盆栽后若无其事地返回,被福州籍店主陈旺制伏,用绳捆绑扣留在汽车内,等候警察到场。

该男子在警察面前承认偷窃,陈旺也遭警方控以绑架、暗藏武器、禁锢及殴打等多项刑事罪名。

华人社区成立《受害人权益行动委员会》在网上征集签名活动, 超过万人签名。

09年11月,检控官撤销绑架和暗藏武器两项控罪,但仍保留禁锢及殴打两项控罪。

2010年6月,国会议员胡平藻(Joe Volpe) 提出私人议案,修订公民拘捕权的刑事条例,同年9月,华人国会议员邹至蕙也提出法案,建议修改法例。

2010年10月29日, 陈旺被法庭宣告无罪。

2011年2月,加拿大政府提出修改《刑法》、扩大公民自卫权的法案。

2011年2月17日,加拿大总理哈珀到多伦多唐人街金牛城超市,慰问陈旺。

2012年5月1日,加拿大国会三读通过《平民拘捕及自卫法例》(The Citizen's Arrest and Self-Defence Act),允许商店东主、钱财物业主人或获授权者,于案发后的“合理时间内”,在警察未到场的情况下,可自行逮捕贼人,从而修正了加拿大刑事法第494条的《平民拘捕条款》。

6月6日,获参议院投票通过。

6月28日,加拿大总督批准公民拘捕与自卫法(The Citizen's Arrest and Self-Defence Act)也即C-26法案,又称《金牛城法案》,预计9月实施。







以上真实故事,令人对加拿大华人产生信心。一件小小的华人超市偷窃案,引致对加拿大法律的怀疑及修正,这不仅是多伦多华人的气魄,也是多伦多及加拿大主流 社会的作为。相比蒙特利尔华人社区中世纪般的邪恶、猥琐和令人窒息的氛围,多伦多的故事给人予希望。可以这么说,加拿大华人社区摆脱黑暗、走向现代文明可 能会从多伦多开始。



北京能接受《纽约时报》中文版吗?

大名鼎鼎的《纽约时报》中文网络版今天开张,这家极富影响力的美国左派大报放下身段,破天荒地走入中文世界,真应和了毛泽东的旧话:人多好办事。没有庞大的中国人口,怎么会有今日。(美国之音说:“中国有五亿互联网用户,在世界上居于首位。但中国当局的新闻检查制度屏蔽了大量信息,因此中国网民的体验与世界其他地方不同。”)

纽约时报中文版在其开场白《敬告读者》中说:“《纽约时报》始终致力于以顶尖新闻水准服务全球读者。网站为中国读者量身打造,以中译形式呈现《纽约时报》获奖报道之精华部分,同时提供中文作者为《纽约时报》撰写的原创作品。 ”

28日诞生的《纽时中文版》细分了国际、中国、商业与经济、科技、文化、风尚、旅游、教育与健康和观点与评论共九个栏目,并称“将在未来数月中逐步扩展内容及功能”。第一天露面的华人撰稿者有:毕业于哈尔滨工业大学的《21世纪经济报道》记者侯继勇、北京中央财经大学文化与传媒学院院长王强、复旦大学国际问题研究院教授、常务副院长沈丁立三人。

美国之音就《纽时中文版》发出报道,称它希望能够吸引“越来越多受过教育、生活富裕的中国公民”,并引述纽约时报星期三的话说,“该报英文网站的内容有时由于中国政府的新闻检查制度而被屏蔽,纽约时报希望中国政府官员能接受该报的中文新闻网站。 ”

北京接受《纽时中文网》?是纽约时报颇有根据的自信,还是纯粹的一厢情愿?


2012年6月27日星期三

欧洲女子在喜马拉雅山被砍头

23岁的比利时登山女子Debbie Maveau,在失踪十天后,于14日被当地村民发现斩首于她所攀登的喜马拉雅山地区,她被发现时,已经身首异处,头颅距身体十三英寸,严重腐烂,躺在尼泊尔琅塘国家公园(Langtang National Park)的一处登山路径旁。

尼泊尔警方发现当地人无人愿意配合破桉,被询问的人都说从没有见过这名西方女子,她从加德满都乘巴士前来,却没有一位司机承认捎带过她。不过警方已经排除奸杀劫财的可能,因为Debbie Maveau底裤完好,照相机及现金都在现场。

这里已非第一次发生女子登山客遇险事故,去年12月,美国登山女子Lena Sessions在这里差点被强奸杀害, 一周之前,一名韩国女子被人袭击,两年前,科罗拉多大学女学生Aubrey Caroline Sacco在这里失踪,至今杳无音信。

美国国务院就此发出旅游警告,提醒喜欢徒步登山的美国女子,不要只身一人出行。




琅塘国家公园位于加德满都以北,包括了琅塘河谷,面积广达1710平方公裡,平均海拔4267米。有大 面积崎岖而陡峭的地域,在大起大落的山脉裡又有几乎垂直的深谷;喜玛拉雅山係中的居葛尔山和琅塘山,也都坐落在境内。这裡是雪巴人的居住地,境内还有柯塞 崑德、葛塞英库达等20多个水质纯淨的湖泊祥和琅塘河谷及赫拉蒙布村附近丛林覆盖的山坡等景点。

达赖喇嘛:印度比中国更能赢得藏人的心

“中国可能在肉体上和政治上控制着西藏,但藏人的心永远不会屈服的,而更讽刺的是,由于西藏和印度在精神和情感上的连结,印度比中国更有能力拥有西藏人民的心!”---达赖喇嘛。

印度是西藏的上师----达赖喇嘛


《国际西藏邮报》报道,2012年6月9日,在麦罗甘吉西藏表演艺术学院(TIPA)召开的全印援藏团体大会上,西藏精神领袖达赖喇嘛尊者以一贯幽默的语调,就与西藏、印度及亚洲,乃至世界的历史和当代利益相关的议题发表谈话。

尊者特别在发言时感谢印度高僧,在西元第七世纪传入西藏;并提及两国之间在哲学和宗教本质上紧密的连结,而这样独特的连结关係已持续了一千多年之久。

西藏流亡精神领袖,引述六世纪的那烂陀大学(现今在比哈尔)传承的是真正的佛教教义。僧人大师到西藏、中亚和南亚其他地区旅行,也把佛教因明的哲学和实修的方法带到这些地方去;因此直到今天,所有相邻的国家之间有着佛教文化的连结。

尊者称佛法是「古印度科学」,强调这是一门更胜于信仰的科学;并称佛陀是历史上「第一个量子物理学家」。正因为对量子物理学有着浓厚的兴趣,所以精神领袖认为与佛教教义在现实和意识上有着相同的联繫。



11世纪,另一位印度高僧莲花生大师(Padmasambhava),来到西藏广佈藏传佛教,在西藏文化中,莲花生大师是知名的上师仁波切;「印度是西藏的上师。」精神领袖说,也表示印藏之间的关係仍然强大。

此外,西藏的佛经是从梵文翻译过来的,而藏文经论是当今世界最完整保存佛教教义的典籍。

尊者提及另一主题,中国可能在肉体上和政治上控制着西藏,但藏人的心永远不会屈服的,而更讽刺的是,由于西藏和印度在精神和情感上的连结,印度比中国更有能力拥有西藏人民的心!」

「保存藏传佛教文化,对当今世界是非常重要的议题。」达赖喇嘛尊者说,因为藏传佛教文化是一种实践慈悲和非暴力的文化。因此,尊者强调西藏问题最重要的部份,是保护西藏文化和脆弱的西藏环境。

接着,尊者谈到了西藏境内生态的持续发展;我们都有责任维护和保护西藏的生态环境,中亚、东南亚10条主要河流的源头都在西藏,必须保护西藏脆弱的环境,一旦发生危险,将危害亚洲数十亿人口的生存。

西藏高原被称为地球的「第三极」,蕴藏丰富的水资源。

尊者劝诫人们光是烧香拜佛是不够的,必须理解基本佛法、深入学习,而且要採取行动来实践佛法,把佛法切实地融入日常生活之中。

最后,精神领袖幽了自己一默,「感谢」北京所採取的行动,让媒体把关注集中在中国和西藏的议题上,并感谢所有与会者的专注和耐心。

158天的全球正义火焰传递活动

藏人自焚之火演变成正义火炬传递,活动将从2012年7月6日达赖喇嘛77岁生日开始,以印度为主在全球多地展开,同时还将举行请愿信征集签名活动,计划送到联合国,吁请关乎藏人处境,预计届时世界各地将掀起新的声援自由西藏热潮。

自由亚洲电台中文部27日从达兰萨拉发出的报道说,“正义火焰传递活动”将于7月6日以印度的南部喀拉拉邦科钦(Kochi)、北部查谟-克什米尔邦拉达克首府列城(Leh)和东北部梅加拉亚邦首府西隆 (Shilong)三个城市作为出发点统一展开,环绕超过印度25个邦的城镇后,将于12月10日“世界人权日”会聚首都新德里。(美国之音英语网站根据其藏语部的报道,将活动翻译为Flame of Truth,真理火炬,或真相火炬,与自由亚洲电台的说法有异)

西藏人民议会将呈交给联合国的请愿信中提出了三点诉求,分别是:呼吁联合国重审就1959年、1961年和1965年分别通过的西藏问题决议案,并予以落实;立即派遣国际独立代表团进入西藏,调查当前藏区紧张局势;吁请联合国特别承担起实现境内藏人共同诉求的责任。

这一活动也将从9月2日“西藏民主日”开始,在所有藏人行政中央驻外办事处的所在国展开。12月10日“世界人权日”当天向位于纽约的联合国总部、位于瑞士日内瓦的联合国人权理事会,以及联合国驻各国机构呈交请愿信后,将宣告活动闭幕。

活动负责人是西藏人民议会理事白玛窘乃。

另外,洛杉矶藏人发起一项名为“自由火焰”(Flames of Freedom)的活动,6月底在中领馆门口进行抗议,好莱坞知名演员琥碧戈珀(Whoopi Goldberg)、普佳芭特拉(Pooja Batra)和哈里逊.福特(Harrison Ford)参与一场「表演式」活动,呈现中国边界内的真实事件。

陈全国:让达赖的声音听不到,形象看不到

6月26日,中共西藏自治区第八届委员会第二次全体会议在拉萨召开,区党委书记陈全国要求“确保党中央的声音形象在全区120万平方公里的辽阔疆域上听得到、看得到,敌对势力和达赖集团的声音形象听不到、看不到。”

陈全国表示要从严从重查处党员干部对达赖集团抱有幻想、追随达赖集团、破坏民族团结、损害祖国统一等违法违纪行为,要全面贯彻落实胡锦涛总书记“五个继续着力”的重要指示精神,确保实现“三不出”(大事不出、中事不出、力争小事也不出)。

中国官方媒体在编发这一新闻时,使用了《陈全国:从严查处党员干部追随达赖集团行为 》的标题,足可见人心已去,陈全国能回天吗?在唯灵论的藏人群里,你能捂住耳朵,遮住眼睛,但你能屏蔽心灵的感应吗?

这也难怪达赖喇嘛在3月份接受《亚洲周刊》采访时指,极端事件是地方政府高压政策逼出来的,他担忧境内藏人的抗争会越来越走向激进。

在同一访问中,达赖喇嘛指责前任党委书记陈奎元到西藏后,施政方针变得非常强硬,课本中原来一些藏语课文被删除了。继任张庆黎从新疆建设兵团来,刚到西藏就开内部会议讲了。而新任书记陈全国在党员干部会议上讲,维护稳定要处于临战状态。

在这样的高压下,境内的藏人僧侣在做什么呢?

五月份,中国媒体发表了《山南地区乃东县扎西多卡寺僧人给陈全国书记的信》和《陈全国覆信僧人:与达赖作斗争》。他们正在搞《六个一》活动和《九有》工程,据说扎西多卡寺率先完成了“有领袖像、有国旗、有道路、有水、有电、有广播电视、有电影、有书屋、有报纸”。

莫非藏人也学会了汉人的圆通,搞起阳奉阴违的那一套,在毛泽东的像后面珍藏着达赖喇嘛的像,在中国国旗后面还挂着雪山狮子旗?



达赖喇嘛首次任命西方人为重要寺庙住持


达赖喇嘛在把民主选举引入藏人政治生活后,又着手改革古老的藏传佛教寺院制度。76,纽约《西藏中心》主任尼可拉斯.维瑞兰(Nicholas Vreeland)将赴印度南部,出任惹对寺(Rato Monastery)住持,他将是历史上首位担任西藏重要寺庙主持的西方人。

创建于14世纪的惹对寺是藏传佛教著名的因明学府,是格鲁派在色拉、哲蚌、甘丹三大寺之外最重要的寺院之一。《华盛顿邮报》在26日的报道里说,达赖喇嘛做出这一人事任命时叮嘱维瑞兰:“你的特别使命就是要在西藏传统与西方世界之间建立桥梁。”维瑞兰说达赖喇嘛认识到必须为古老的藏传佛教带来一些新鲜空气,希望通过他把西方观念引入藏传佛教的寺院制度中。

维瑞兰来自美国一个有声望的家庭,他的祖母是美国时尚界名人,父亲是美国外交家,他在20岁时认识了惹对寺上师穹拉仁波切,穹拉仁波切是达赖喇嘛考取格西学位时的主要辩经者,编纂过印度流亡藏人的教科书,后来受达赖喇嘛委派到欧美弘扬佛法,定居纽约后创立了极富影响的《西藏中心》。维瑞兰1985年在惹对寺出家,后与穹拉仁波切共同建立了惹对基金会,促进藏人寺庙与西方大学的学术交流。

2012年6月26日星期二

十月中下旬召开十八大

早在3月份,就有人在网上发文,称中共十八大会在十月十五至十八日召开。6月26日,香港明报据北京的消息来源,宣告召开十八大的时间是十月中下旬。

此前五天,贺国强在俄国表示,十八大准备就绪。

十八大的风是一阵阵吹来,风力逐渐加强。

筹备小组组长的习近平成功抗住了薄熙来事件的冲击,他的接班大戏将如期上演。明报还说,政治局常委的九人组织架构将缩小,恢復成16大以前的七人。

2012年6月25日星期一

洛桑森格:自焚是自由的宣言

今年头六个月,境内藏人自焚的人数急剧增加,人数竟达去年的三倍,在死亡人数方面,去年全年为八人,今年前六个月已有二十三人丧生,这些以自焚的方式进行抗议的藏人被中国政府称为“恐怖分子”。

正在澳大利亚访问的藏人行政中央首席部长洛桑森格反驳了北京的说法,《悉尼先驱晨报》在26日报道说,洛桑森格称北京的说法“令人费解”,“因为他们没有伤害任何他人”。

他说:“自焚者不威胁或伤害别人,怎么可以被称为恐怖分子? ”

“自焚意味着情况难以忍受,这不仅是绝望的行为,也是政治行为。当和平抗议和集会不被允许时,他们的遗言都表示,他们渴望自由。”

“从某种程度上说,自焚是自由的宣言( assertion):你可以限制我的自由,但我可以选择死亡。”

对于在他胜选就任首席部长的同时,藏人自焚呈现爆发趋势,他的解释是只是巧合。( The intensifying outbreak of self-immolations "coincides with my election'')“去年3月16日,是我竞选投票的最后一轮,90%的自焚都发生在我接掌领导权之后。”

这是否是要给洛桑森格更大的压力,令他对北京更强硬?或是达赖喇嘛从政治上退休,令藏人感到更加绝望?

洛桑森格未置可否,只是说“现在回答这个问题为时过早”。他认为自焚者不听他的劝告:“我们反复强调不要采取过激行动,不要自焚,但他们却继续自焚。”

澳大利亚外长Bob Carr向北京提议允许他的驻华大使前往西藏调查情况,但北京不予答复。

洛桑森格对澳大利亚参议员Carr回避他感到不悦,认为他关于民主和自由的说法只停留在言辞上,不见有行动。 “澳大利亚没必要害怕北京,中国人是实用主义者,如果他们需要你们的煤和铁,就不会在乎你们是否见我。”

印度扣押不丹王室赠与大宝法王教派的车辆


大宝法王所属的藏传佛教噶玛噶举派排名第二的领袖人物第十二世泰锡度仁波切(Kenting Tai Situ Rinpoche),近日被印度警方和税务部门立案调查,他被指控涉嫌从不丹走私四辆世界名牌汽车,喜马偕尔邦警方已将车辆扣押。泰锡度仁波切的发言人辩护说,这些车辆是不丹国王的祖母送给藏人精神领袖的礼物。这位发言人说,事情已闹至不丹政府,不丹正与印度外交部接洽,印度外交部会把结果通知喜马偕尔邦警方。

泰锡度仁波切是八名台湾人非法打工案中被捕的高僧波贡嘎仁波切的上师,与一度被传是达赖喇嘛接班人的大宝法王互为师徒。长期被印度情报部门怀疑是中国政府卧底的大宝法王在2011年初卷入人民币现金案后,他手下的高僧们就一直被印度警方严密监控。

印度报业托拉斯24日报道说,印度税务部门发现属于藏人精神领袖泰锡度仁波切的日产五十铃铁骑兵(Isuzu Trooper)和英国越野名牌路虎(Land Rover)等四辆豪华汽车,没有在印度办理手续及缴交费用,他们在索要资料未果后,下令警方扣押车辆。印度政府规定,凡进口车辆必须缴纳100%的进口关税,除非有文件证明它们是受赠的礼物。

1955年达赖喇嘛所作《毛主席颂》



毛主席颂
           世間最勝諸圓滿,如意降賜三寶尊,

         難等無等眾吉祥,殊勝光明常照護。

         等同大梵世界祖,眾敬國王諸德業,

          俱胝福感大領袖,普照大地如日升。

          聖典寶珠如海潮,充滿廣大虛空際,

          功德自在毛主席,常界不壞願久住。

          保護吾人如慈母,眾生欣感銘心髓,

          離諸怨敵親愛心,示和平道願久住。

          廣大地上諸疾苦,黑暗拘縛皆解放,

          願施億善新光明,吉祥勝會皆安慰。

          妙業白傘蔭三地,常澍清涼和平樂,

          美譽金鈴徧鳴響,恒旋轉於虛空頂。

          兇暴怨敵如毒蛇,擾亂惡使彎曲行,

          戰勝帝國主義者,無畏大鵬力增盛。

           無比富樂諸明處,及伏他軍工藝等,

           稀有天趣諸盛事,刹那增盛如大海。

           能仁敎軌月珠炬,放照億善清涼光,

           分佈悅意香瓔珞,頂戴無遮可矜持。

           增上意樂雲幄中,宣示敎旨如雷鳴,

           降澍平等利樂雨,願無間斷護世間。

           和平軌如殑伽女,導無邊眾歡喜事,

           人天富樂寶沙流,願總衽席此大地。

           願此寬廣大地上,如天界德轉增盛,

           偉大世燭恒熾然,經歷萬歲常光顯。

           諸佛菩薩慈悲力,白品護世神通力,

           成就大仙諦語力,令此善願皆圓滿。


据记载,在第一届全国人民代表大会第一次会议上,达赖喇嘛献给毛两件珍贵礼品,一是镶有毛画像的金边镜框,一是雕花千幅金轮。在画像下用藏汉文写着:“敬爱毛主席,永远跟着您。建设新西藏,建设伟大祖国。”
 
千幅金轮上方环辐中央镶嵌着明亮宝石,通体金光四射,金轮下方底座镌刻藏汉两种文字铭文:“一九五四年我——达赖喇嘛担任代表出席我国第一届全国人民代表 大会时,谨以西藏政教礼俗向我国各族人民的伟大领袖毛主席敬献千幅金轮,藉表无上颂祷”。颂词是:“伟大毛主席,光明如红日,普照各民族,永世照不息,谁 敢来侵略,消灭侵略者,确保和平福,十方得光泽。”
 
《毛主席颂》释:


  世间最胜诸圆满,如意降赐三宝尊,难等无等众吉祥,殊胜光明常照护。
  能降给世界一切幸福的佛法僧三宝啊!
  请用无可比拟的吉祥光辉永不间断地照耀保护我们!
  (译者注:第一段按照藏文诗一般的习惯是祈祷三宝的保护,下面才是赞颂毛主席的正文)
  等同大梵世界祖,众敬国王诸德业,俱胝福感大领袖,普照大地如日升。
  毛主席啊!您的光荣和事业有如创造世界的大梵天和众敬国王!
  积聚了无量数的福德才产生了这样的领袖,好像大地上有了照耀一切的太阳!
  圣典宝珠如海潮,充满广大虚空际,功德自在毛主席,常界不坏愿久住。
  您的著作珍贵如宝珠,丰富有力如同海潮一直达到天空的边际。
  荣誉无比的毛主席啊!愿您万寿无疆!
  保护吾人如慈母,众生欣感铭心髓,离诸怨敌、亲爱心,示和平道愿久住。
  人们都把您当做保护自己的慈母,极其兴奋地把您的相貌描绘下来。愿您永远驻在世间,给我们指示和平的道路!
  广大地上诸疾苦,黑暗、拘缚皆解放,愿施亿善新光明,吉祥胜会皆安慰。
  大地虽然辽阔,但是黑暗和痛苦的枷锁压得人喘不出气来,是您用新的光芒破除了黑暗,解放了枷锁,人们才能透过气来尽情的欢会。
  妙业白伞荫三地,常澍清凉和平乐,美誉金铃徧鸣响,恒旋转於虚空顶。
  您的和平事业犹如摩尼白伞,清凉地覆荫着天上、地下、人间。
  您的声誉犹如伞上的金铃,永远鸣响,永远在天空的顶上旋转。
  凶暴怨敌如毒蛇,扰乱恶使弯曲行,战胜帝国主义者,无畏大鹏力增盛。
  我们的敌人——残暴的帝国主义者,有如毒蛇,它是恶魔的使者,蠕蠕地蠢动,您是尅服毒蛇的无畏大鹏,愿您的威力永远不断地增长。
  无比富乐诸明处,及伏他军工艺等,希有天趣诸盛事,刹那增盛如大海。
  使人民繁荣富强和摧伏敌人武装力量的文化及工业建设,如同大海一般,每一刹那都向上发展,发展得如天国一样地充足圆满。
  能仁敎轨月珠炬,放照亿善清凉光,分布悦意香璎珞,顶戴无遮可矜持。
  释迦牟尼的善良的宗教好像月明珠的灯放射着万道清凉的光辉,又像放龙脑香的珠鬘,现在我们能毫无障碍地顶戴着它,这是多麽値得骄傲的啊!
  增上意乐云幄中,宣示敎旨如雷鸣,降澍平等利乐雨,愿无间断护世间。
  您的意愿比如云聚,号召比如雷鸣,从这裏面不断地降着无私地润泽世界的甘霖。
  和平轨如殑伽女,导无边众欢喜事,人天富乐宝沙流,愿总衽席此大地。
  恒河能把宝沙冲积得充满大地,和平正义能引来无边众生的喜悦。
  愿此宽广大地上,如天界德转增盛,伟大世烛恒炽然,经历万岁常光显。
  愿人间逐步变得如天堂般的幸福!
  愿世界的火炬伟大的领袖千秋万岁永远炽然!
  (译者注:颂的正文到此完了,下面一段是对这个颂文本身如愿实现的祈祷)
  诸佛菩萨慈悲力,白品护世神通力,成就大仙谛语力,令此善愿皆圆满。
  愿佛菩萨的慈悲、护法神的神通、成就大仙的眞实语这三种力量使这一切善良的愿望都能实现!达赖

达赖喇嘛说藏人对他回国有两种不同意见

在24日BBC周日政治节目Andrew Marr Show中,达赖喇嘛谈及藏人对自己回西藏问题的两种看法。

他说:老藏人觉得我应该在他们死去之前,尽快地回到西藏。但有政治头脑的藏人认为在目前情况下,我应该留在外面的自由世界。他们认为这样我能为他们做更多的事情,如果我回去的话,就会令自己变得像个囚犯。

达赖喇嘛:我视毛泽东如父

中南海的领导人又多了一个令他们头疼的毛左:达赖喇嘛。这位四处出访的流亡藏人领袖,6月24日在接受英国广播公司著名政治节目主持人Andrew_Marr的电视访问时称:我与毛泽东有着很好的关系,以至于我把毛泽东视为父亲。

他向BBC回忆了毛泽东如何在正式晚宴中让他坐在自己身边,以传统中国人最好的待客方式,亲自为他夹菜的情景:我视他为父,他待我如子,我们有着很好的关系。唯一的问题是,有很多次举行正式晚宴时,毛泽东总是把我带在身边,这样一来,毛泽东就会按照中国人的传统,用他的筷子夹菜到我的盘子里。这一方面是个很大的荣誉,但同时我也有些害怕,他咳得很厉害,烟不离手,我怕会染上病菌。

说得这里,达赖喇嘛笑了。

达赖喇嘛承认共产主义对他的影响,认为马克思主义的经济理论可以解决当今西方国家的经济危机。

他说:在中国时,我学了马克思主义经济理论,它强调平等分配。经济问题因人而产生,人类就可以解决它。

2012年6月24日星期日

加拿大华裔后代看中国:暴力、资本主义和西化

台湾外省人后裔张侨勇,1977年出生于加拿大安大略省距离多伦多45分钟车程的小镇奥沙瓦,当时那里还是一个寂静而封闭的乡村,街坊四邻中只有他们一家华裔面孔,1990年代开始,蜂拥而来的移民打破了这里的宁静,但此时张侨勇已经远赴魁北克蒙特利尔,在康科迪大学修读电影专业,并开始用电影的方式寻根。2012年初,他新拍摄的纪录片《千锤百炼》入选美国圣丹斯电影节世界纪录片竞赛单元,并被列为电影节20部最受关注的电影之一。《千锤百炼》讲述了几名中国穷孩子如何苦练拳击以改变命运的故事,张侨勇说:我知道毛泽东时代曾一度禁止拳击运动,因为它是西方的东西,属于资本主义,并且过于暴力。不过中国目前的社会,还真有点拳击色彩。”

张侨勇在拳击运动中找到了中国当今社会三大特征:暴力、资本主义和西化。《千锤百炼》5月中旬在北美上映,加拿大《环球邮报》评论说“在这部中加两国合拍的纪录片中,他关注的人物很渺小,却展现了一幅宏大的中国现实社会图景”。在接受美国有线电视新闻网(CNN)采访时,张侨勇说:“让人困惑的是,中国社会强调的是集体主义,而拳击运动是一项个人运动,现在的中国青年人都希望能找到一条通往成功的捷径。”

1959年3月,中国政府下令停止拳击,直到1979年拳王阿里访华,邓小平发现拳击可以被利用来促进中国和西方的交往,于是在1983年正式恢复了这项运动。其实在禁止拳击的24年里,毛泽东在中国展开了另一场比拳击更为残酷的人间争斗,两者不同的是,毛泽东的运动不具备资本主义和西方色彩。

2010年,张侨勇在移民加拿大的四川籍制片韩轶的引荐下,来到了四川省凉山彝族自治州会理县,跟踪拍摄当地的拳击教练如何去山区选拔苗子,面对这些徒步山路两小时才能走到学校的穷孩子们,教练用很直白的话励志:“练好了,你们是国家的人,练不好,就是妈妈的人。”于是在拳击运动中猛力出拳、出人头地,是这帮孩子改变命运的唯一希望。这些目光低垂的山里娃,在平日里甚至不敢正眼看人,心中却有着桀骜不驯的拳王梦,当他们回到家中,母亲看到他们在训练中被打的鼻青脸肿的样子,忍不住落泪,他们却安慰说“等我当了拳王,带你们去享福。”时至今日,张侨勇聚焦的两个孩子都没能圆他们的拳王梦,一个在成都的建筑工地做小工后回到了山区的家中,另一位还在省拳击队苦练。

张侨勇20岁的时候第一次去中国,祖籍北京的外公那时已经从台湾回去定居。老人带着他去找王府井的故居,但发现房子已经被拆了,来寻根的张侨勇第一次看到了活生生的中国。当时他已经在修读电影专业,认定中国是自己将来要拍摄的主题。

几年之后,张侨勇和父母一起坐邮轮从重庆到武汉游览,一路下来,船上两位员工的命运吸引了他,经过三年多的跟拍,07年完成了他的首部长片纪录片《沿江而上》,这部记录三峡大坝建设过程中普通中国人命运的电影获得了第45届台湾电影金马奖最佳纪录片奖、加拿大电影最高奖基尼奖最佳纪录片奖和美国纽约第二届电影眼奖最佳处女作杰出成就奖。

加拿大有华裔人口一百多万,专业从事艺术创作的人为数不多,华裔父母更希望在这里出生的孩子从事诸如律师和医生之类稳定赚钱的工作,搞电影似乎是不着边际的选择,而张侨勇的父母却独具慧眼地支持他走这条路。他感觉到的另一个幸运是加拿大鼓励多元文化,他说:“现在很多华裔开始学习自己的文化,加拿大是多元文化,我们要知道华人的历史,这和美国不同,那里是大熔炉,逼得你做一个美国人,不想让你学习本民族的历史。”



1400个粉丝脸书支持加拿大杀人魔

Fans, defenders line up to support ‘inspirational’ Luka Rocco Magnotta on Facebook

Josh Visser  Jun 21, 2012

For years, occasional porn actor and escort Luka Rocco Magnotta mined the Internet in a bid for fame, or at least, infamy. But the respect, the attention he desired, never came.
That changed in late May when Magnotta was accused of one of the most disturbing crimes in recent memory, the dismemberment slaying of Concordia student Jun Lin. Magnotta’s face, stylized with makeup and Photoshop, was splashed on screens across the globe during an international manhunt. His name, which he so desperately attempted to link to Karla Homolka in web postings over the years, was finally being mentioned in the same sentences as Paul Bernardo and other famed sex killers.
And like many of those famed killers, Magnotta has garnered a collection of “fans.” Some of them say they love him, say he has been set up for a murder, that they want to have sex with him, maybe just get a tattoo of him. Others say he is mentally ill, needs help or they feel sympathetic to his desire to find fame. And some say it was Magnotta in that snuff film that purportedly shows the slaying of Lin, the sex acts performed to his corpse — yet they still find the alleged killer “inspirational.”
You hardly need to go into the deepest, darkest forums in the Internet’s bowels to find these people. They’re just the ones on Facebook.

Handouts; CP
Luka Rocco Magnotta worked hard to cultivate an online presence.
Luka Magnotta’s biggest fan page on Facebook has nearly 1,400 members. There appears to be dozens of other ones. There are groups such as Support Luka Magnotta, where members discuss if they can visit him in the Rivière-des-Prairies Detention Centre, and how they can send him a letter.
“I like Luka Magnotta because he is inspirational, nice, and very, very good looking,” the Support Luka Magnotta administrator, who says she is Destiney St. Denis, 21, of Saskatoon, said in an email. “I have seen the video over 20 times. I do think that was him, and I liked it. He is inspirational because he is not afraid to be himself.” When asked about how the victim’s family would feel about her page, filled with unprintable comments, St. Denis is unapologetic.
“I couldn’t care less about that dude. I think that if anyone is a victim in this case, it is Luka … because of all the bullying he had to endure before the murder,” she said.
Others defend Magnotta. Say he could be mentally ill or maybe he was set up in his accused crimes.
“I truly think he may suffer from schizophrenia. That or he could have been paid to do it also,” Kerri-Lyn Duhaime, 30, a personal support worker in northern Ontario said.
She says she watched the “1 Lunatic, 1 Ice Pick” video — which police say is authentic — twice.
“Of course it bothered me but these days I’m so desensitized to violent acts [and] such with all the horror films and the news,” she added.
Another group, closed to the public with about 200 members, says it is “for people who are fastiated [sic], with luka, or anything that goes against society,and thier [sic] morals, or who would just want to have sex with him.”

The fascination with those accused of notorious crimes is hardly just a product of the Internet age. Ted Bundy, the handsome law student who was one of the most prolific serial killers in history, received ample amounts of fan mail while awaiting his execution in prison. During the 1895 trial of serial killer William Henry Theodore Durrant, newspaper articles noted that the defendant received flowers from his many admirers.
Scott Bonn, a professor of sociology at Drew University in New Jersey, says the public’s desire to know “why” someone could commit the crimes that Magnotta is accused of is part of the fascination.

Handout
Serial killer Ted Bundy also had his fans.
“Why could someone do such absolutely, horrific and unimaginable things? The public wants to know why,” he said in a telephone interview from Manhattan. He quotes a retired NYPD homicide detective telling him, “For the public, the why is the ‘Wow!’ factor.”
As for the hardcore “fans,” those who want to write to a killer, meet them, Bonn speculates there might not be much separating them from the super fans of other famous people such as athletes.
“Those individuals have a real burning desire to know the person behind the public image,” he said.
Bonn, who is working on a book called Monster dearest: Our fascination with serial killers and why we need them, says it appears that Magnotta has gotten exactly what he wants.
“I believe he is what we refer to as a ‘mission killer’ and his mission was his own public recognition,” Bonn said. “He’s a narcissist who absolutely craves public attention.”
Many of the Facebook users on Magnotta sites condemned his alleged actions, but said they couldn’t look away either.
“I sometimes look at it because I find this case really special. Luka has a very complicated personality even if I think I understood some parts of him,” Melanie Herz, 20, of Paris said in an email interview.
“I didn’t [like] his page. In a way, yes, it is what he wants, he needs to show he exists…. I think in a year people will forget his name.”
I like Luka Magnotta because he is inspirational, nice, and very, very good looking
Montreal police went to unusual lengths to keep Magnotta’s location quiet as he arrived in Canada, saying they didn’t want a circus to occur if the supporters or protesters they had seen on social networks showed up.
Bonn says that it appears that police are doing the responsible thing in the case.
“A lockdown of media exposure is the right thing to do,” he said. “The guy clearly loves it, you are denying him gratification.”
Yet, the head of the Quebec prison guard union accused the police of giving Magnotta’s special attention.
“It’s ridiculous the amount of money that was wasted to give the media a show,” Stephane Lemaire said, referring to Magnotta’s police escort upon returning to Montreal. “To see that much security, it feels like we’re dealing with Hannibal Lecter in Silence of the Lambs.”
Some Facebook users have suggested that the company itself needs to do a better job of policing its users and have taken it upon themselves to patrol the Magnotta pages.
“I’ve reported several pages, users, and posts to Facebook and no actions have been taken as they still post vile and twisted things daily,” Celia Carver, 25, from Charlottetown, P.E.I., said in email interview. “I’ve heard nothing in response at all. In fact, I got a pop up after reporting numerous people within a short period of time that ‘Facebook takes complaints very seriously, are you sure you want to report this user?”

2012年6月23日星期六

昂山素季有华裔血统吗?

                         昂山素季父母1942年结婚

4月份,爆出昂山素季的母亲名叫杜庆芝的消息,昂山素季有中国血统,这个说法不胫而走。杜庆芝是中国人吗?昂山素季是否真的具有中国血统?本文聚焦于此。


昂山素季有华裔血统的说法,大概源自上海《新民晚报》对前中国驻缅甸大使程瑞声的专访,今年四月2日一篇题为《从昂山素季参选看缅甸政局的走向》文章面世,其中多次提到昂山素季的母亲杜庆芝,有人不禁想入非非,以为杜庆芝是位华裔,甚至是中原一代的人。

《新民晚报》的报道说:“昂山素季是缅甸民族独立运动领袖昂山将军的女儿。昂山将军在缅甸独立前于1947年2月出任临时政府总理,不幸于同年7月19日被反动分子暗杀。缅甸人民尊昂山将军为国父。他的遗孀杜庆芝在缅甸独立后成为社会活动家,曾任缅甸驻印度大使等职。昂山素季生于1945年6月19日。我在1987-1991年担任中国驻缅甸大使期间,同她有过几次友好的会见。她曾深情地回忆起她小时候同她母亲杜庆芝到中国驻缅甸大使馆作客的情况。杜庆芝是中国的老朋友,曾全程陪同宋庆龄访问缅甸,并在周恩来总理访问缅甸和她访问中国时会见过周总理。昂山素季在一篇文章中提到她至今仍保存着周总理的礼物。1988年12月27日杜庆芝病逝后,邓颖超给昂山素季和其兄弟昂山乌发了唁电。”
           缅甸人有名无姓,昂山素季的母亲名为Khin Kyi


昂山素季的母亲杜庆芝,缅甸名为:Khin Kyi。1912年,她出生在缅甸靠近印度洋的小镇Myaungmya一个笃信佛教的缅族家庭里,在家中10个孩子中排行第八,读的美国传教士办的女子学校,师范学校毕业后曾经教书,后成为护士,1942年,在医院认识了昂山,1945年,生下幼女昂山素季,1953年成为缅甸社会福利部部长,1960年就任驻印度大使,1988年12月28日病逝。

没有记录显示昂山素季的母亲何时到过中国,也无法查证她的中文名字的来历,但可以相信的是,她的家族与中国没有直接血缘关系,唯一勉强相关的,是她所属的缅族,因为缅族原居于云南,唐朝迁入伊洛瓦底江流域并逐渐取代骠国和孟族成为该地区的主体民族。  

昂山素季的父亲昂山将军Aung_San,1915年出生于一个具有反英传统的律师家庭,1938年获得仰光大学英国文学学士,缅甸共产党和缅甸现代军队的创始人,缅甸(独立)之父,缅甸独立前于1947年2月出任临时政府总理,同年7月19日被暗杀。  

他的名字颇有文章可做,出生时他的名字是Htein Lin,颇似中国人的林姓,但要记住缅甸人无姓,这个林字绝非他的家族姓氏,他在成为学生领袖后改名为昂山,战争时,使用的名字是Bo Tayza ,与他1886年与英国作战的叔叔 Bo Min Yaung同有一个Bo字,他的日文名字是 Omoda Monji (面田紋次),中文名字是Tan Lu Sho(这个名字的来历同样有待考证),抵抗运动时期的名字是Myo Aung和 U Naung Cho。 


昂山的中文名字只有注音,没有文字,不清楚这三个字如何写法,这一缺失也说明他与中国关系的疏远。

                        昂山(右一)在日本时期留影




昂山与日本有着极深的关系:

1940年,因反英活动遭通缉, 昂山计划逃亡中国并希望得到中华民国政府的支持,但到了厦门就被日本人截停,被迫前往日本,1941年2月他得到近衛文麿政府的财政和武器支持,回到缅甸,后又多次回日本接受军事训练。在日本人的支持下,他在泰国曼谷成立了缅甸独立军,1942年3月,日军占领仰光后,缅甸独立军一度与日本人合作治理缅甸,后被日本人解散,解散后的独立军后来重组成为缅甸国防军。昂山还被邀请访问日本,获天皇颁发旭日勋章。

1943年8月,日本吞并缅甸,昂山被任命为战争相,军队被改组为缅甸国民军。但此时,他对日本的未来产生了怀疑,并相信日本不会愿意让缅甸独立。他说:“英国吸我们的血,日本人啃我们的骨头!”'If the British sucked our blood, the Japanese ground our bones!'   

1945年3月,他率领缅甸国民军起义,帮助联军打败了日军。




同病但不相怜:苏格兰为何冷待达赖喇嘛

1707年被大英帝国吞并的苏格兰,将于2014年再次举行独立公投。曾有八百多年独立历史的苏格兰,二十世纪下半叶开始重燃独立的火焰,并在1979年举行过不成功的独立公投。

尽管达赖喇嘛奉行中间道路,独立诉求在流亡藏人中还是广泛存在,可以说,藏人与苏格兰人在一定程度上同病相怜。但6月份,达赖喇嘛到访苏格兰,却不受苏格兰首席部长待见,与几日前他在英格兰所受的盛情款待形成鲜明的对照。


国际舆论分析说,苏格兰首席部长亚历克斯·萨蒙德和苏格兰民族党领导的议会是受到了北京的压力,才对同病的藏人不相怜,这种分析并不具有足够的说服力。

达赖喇嘛自我解嘲说:“如果有机会见到政府官员,我当然高兴。我来苏格兰是为了与人民接触。无论我到哪里,和公众接触,传播普世价值,带去和谐的声音,这是最重要的,我觉得政府也做不了更多。”(见苏格兰最大的报纸《每日邮报》(Daily Record)22日的报道:Commenting on the controversy, the Dalai Lama said: "Wherever I go meeting the public... spreading a message of human values, spreading a message of harmony, is the most important thing. "I think governments can't do much. "Of course if there is an opportunity of meeting (members of the government), then I am happy.")

大陆的《参考消息》对达赖喇嘛在苏格兰所受的冷遇十分得意,以《达赖窜访在苏格兰受冷遇》加以报道,说“达赖喇嘛的英国之行将在争议声中在苏格兰结束:苏格兰首席部长亚历克斯·萨蒙德和苏格兰民族党领导的议会不愿意欢迎这位西藏流亡精神领袖,有人指责这是中国在“使坏”。据悉,萨蒙德和接待达赖的三个城市的资深议员最近会晤中国总领事,后者表示对达赖此次来访不满。邓迪市议会随后似乎立即退出共同接待者的角色。萨蒙德20日上午从美国返回苏格兰,将于21日参加在斯特灵举行的英国-爱尔兰峰会,据说没有时间会晤这位流亡领袖。”








美国和德国对藏人自焚的不同态度

            美国之音提供的截至到6月22日为止,中国境内藏人自焚区域分布图



6月22日,美国首次公开否认达赖喇嘛及流亡藏人与中国境内藏人自焚有任何关联,拒绝接受中国提出的西藏精神领袖达赖喇嘛鼓励自焚的说法。

美国从没有像德国在2011年10月所作的那样,既劝告中国改变西藏政策,缓和紧张局面,又公开呼吁达赖喇嘛利用他的影响力制止喇嘛和尼姑自焚。

美国国务次卿玛丽亚.奥特罗接受美国之音藏语组采访时说,中国西南部藏区发生的一系列自焚事件并不像中国所说的那样是脱离社会的人或者麻烦制造者所为,而是那些被剥夺了基本人权的人的“绝望行动”。

她说:“显然,自焚不仅仅是绝望的行动,还是出自沮丧和无望感的绝望行为,他们看到自己的人权遭到越来越严重的践踏,佛寺受到越来越多的限制,因此有了这种沮丧和无望的感觉。”

奥特罗提出了新的批评,指责北京持续镇压西藏异议活动而不是与藏人官员谈判以缓解矛盾。她说,她手下的工作人员与僧人讨论了西藏东部的局势,并发现他们显然要坚守自己的生活方式。

她说:“他们认为(寺院)生活真实反映了藏人的信仰,他们对限制和压制所能做出的唯一反应就是这些绝望的行动,这种反应如今越来越强烈了。”

在她发表这番谈话的同一天,又有两名藏人活动人士在中国西部的青海省自焚,抗议在中国统治下缺乏自由。

两名抗议者带着西藏雪山狮子旗,并呼吁让流亡在外的精神领袖达赖喇嘛平安返回。两名抗议者中有一人当场死亡。这是2011年3月以来自焚的第43和44名藏人。

2012年6月22日星期五

米兰不敢授予达赖喇嘛荣誉市民

下周,达赖喇嘛将在意大利米兰逗留两天,原本计划在市议会投票,决定是否授予达赖喇嘛荣誉市民的米兰市,21日取消了这一动议,据说米兰市受到了来自意大利外交部和中国大使馆的压力。

米兰市长Giuliano Pisapia说:“中领馆告诉我,给达赖喇嘛这个荣誉就是对中国人不友好。”

计划在2015年举办世博会的米兰,希望能得到中国的资助,权衡再三,市长放弃了达赖喇嘛,这激怒了好斗的市议员们,当地的藏人也直呼“可耻”,因为邻近的威尼斯和罗马早就给了达赖喇嘛这项荣誉。

米兰的放弃唤醒了其他意大利城市,它们纷纷表示愿意授予达赖喇嘛荣誉市民,如南部的马泰拉(Matera),市长就公开发话,不畏惧中国,他要捍卫世界人权,乐意给达赖喇嘛这项荣誉。

2012年6月21日星期四

马尼奥塔现身法庭,律师组团为他辩护

21日(周四)下午,碎尸案凶嫌马尼奥塔出人意料地出现在蒙特利尔法院,并不是像周二所预料的会通过视频出庭。

周四的另一个变化是在律师方面,从多伦多赶来的吕克·勒克莱尔(Luc Leclair)将作为他的主辩律师,周二出面的Pierre Panaccio将和另一位律师Jean Dury一道从旁协助,这将是一个由三名律师组成的律师团。

他们今天没有要求法庭对马尼奥塔做精神鉴定。

今天下午,蒙特利尔法院戒备森严,被告马尼奥塔身着格子衬衣和蓝色牛仔裤,勒克莱尔律师对他没有得到应有的待遇表示不满(例如他在监狱里被单独囚禁,不得与人接触),并对他的身体和精神状态表示关注。

法庭决定在明年三月举行初步听证,那时马尼奥塔将再度出庭。







加拿大国际广播电台停播


从6月24日开始,有67年历史的加拿大国际广播电台将停播其所有语种的短波和卫星节目,关闭俄语和巴西葡语部,保留英、法、西、阿拉伯和中文的网络。该台所有合同制及临时员工将被解雇,三分之二的正式员工也将离职。

在最新一轮的加拿大联邦政府削减开支的行动中,加拿大国际广播电台受创最为严重,财政援助被削减10%的加拿大广播公司4月份就宣布要停止国际广播电台的新闻业务,将该台的预算从2012年度1230万减为2013年度的230万,减幅达80%67日,加拿大议会批准了联邦文化遗产部关于停止国际广播电台短波服务的动议。

连日来,几十名员工在加拿大广播公司门口抗议,呼吁联邦政府停止削减经费,并让该台独立运作。他们表示停止国际广播,就会使像中国这样国家的人民减少信息来源,他们强调中国政府都没有干扰他们的节目,加拿大政府却帮他们做了。

“加拿大之声”于19452月开播,1970年改用加拿大国际广播电台呼号。1989年成立的中文部,停播前每天播出一小时的普通话节目。

藏人的抗议面孔

我们今生注定要和这群人相伴

他们本在清凉的大山上

有着佛的面庞

念经、转经、辩经

催岁月似经幡飞扬

但命运使他们背井离乡

毕生辗转在陌生的地方

念经、转经、辩经

和着糌粑和酥油茶

沉入梦里把故乡凝望

无论在美洲、欧洲或亚洲

听他们的声声呐喊

看他们带给世人激愤的面庞